CensorTrack With TR: Big Tech SILENCES Congressman, Mourning Mother

It’s Week One of MRC’s newest video series, CensorTrack with TR. This week, we talked about Shana Chappell whose heroic son was killed in Afghanistan on August 26th. Her heartfelt lament on Instagram regarding her son’s death granted her a disabled account. We also discussed Congressman Thomas Massie R-KY who posted what Twitter called a “misleading” tweet regarding vaccine vs. natural COVID-19 immunity. The bias of the left, and of Big Tech especially, is undeniable.

Watch below for the first of the weekly videos of CensorTrack with TR! We encourage you to post it and share it across all social media. If you have been censored, contact us at www.CensorTrack.org and use #FreeSpeech to point out more of Big Tech’s unacceptable bias. 

 

 

Conservatives are under attack. If you have been censored, contact us at the Media Research Center form, contact form, and help us hold Big Tech accountable.





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India Bishops launch ‘Day of Mourning’ marking 50 years of abortion

INDIA (LifeSiteNews) – August 10, 2021, marks 50 years of the Indian Abortion Law with yearly death tolls approximated to be over 16 million preborn babies per year. Cardinal Oswald Gracias, the President of Indian Catholic Bishops, has invited the nation’s Bishops to observe that day as a “Day of Mourning.” One Archbishop told LifeSite that legislative amendments need to be promoted to prohibit abortion.

Oswald Cardinal Gracias, the Archbishop of Bombay, called on his brother bishops in a letter to mark August 10 as a “Day of Mourning” so that the Indian Church can “express our sorrow at the killing” of pre-born babies through various means, and promote the Culture of Life in our society.

The CBCI circular lists some suggestions to mark that day including:

  • A campaign of prayer and reparation for the decades of innocent bloodshed.
  • Holy Mass to be offered in very parish on August 10, 2021, in memory of the pre-born babies killed to make reparation for the sin of abortion.
  • The ringing of funeral bells in our churches for 1-2 minutes on that day.
  • A homily to be preached in all our churches on Pro-life on a Sunday close to August 10, 2021.
  • Organizing Pro-Life formation programs.
  • Presenting Pro-Life programs on catholic media channels.
  • Observing “Mercy Hour” in all parishes. religious houses, seminaries and Catholic institutions on or around August 10, 2021.

The reported prevalence of illegal abortions, combined with the notion that abortion could be a mode of population control, were the official excuses used by the Indian government to enact the Medical Termination of Pregnancy (MTP) Act on August 10, 1971.

On March 25 this year the governemt expanded the abortion law to permit the killing of children in the womb up to 24 weeks from the previous 20 weeks. The new amendment also permits the killing of babies in their mothers’ wombs with no limit up to birth, in case of fetal abnormalities.

Archbishop Sebastian Kallupura, Chairman of Caritas India, and Chairman of the Family Commission for the Latin Rite Bishops Conference, told LifeSite that we must commit ourselves to promote “legislative changes or constitutional amendments, such as Human Life Amendment that prohibits or at least broadly restricts abortion.”

Cardinal Gracias, in the letter states “millions of abortions have taken place in our country after that legislation and there is no sign of slowing down of this anti-life trend.” A 2018 paper published in the Lancet estimated that 16 million abortions (14.1 million–17.3 million) occurred in India in 2015.

Kallupura, who is the Archbishop of Patna in the Indian State of Bihar, stated that Catholic educational institutions must “help the young generation to form their conscience” and the need to collaborate with non-Christian religious leaders to promote life “right from its beginning ‘till it returns to its Author.”

Fr. Dr. Scaria Kanniyakonil, Rector of St. Thomas Apostolic Seminary in the Indian state of Kerala and a moral theologian, told LifeSite that in the last few years the changes in legislation or verdicts regarding abortion, homosexuality, adultery, euthanasia etc. are not promoting the culture of life in India. He added that the seminary has an active pro-life ministry and has planned to commemorate August 10 as a “Day for protection of Life” beginning with the Holy Mass for the reparation of the sin of abortion and formation sessions for seminarians.

Cardinal Gracias reminded the faithful that the Catholic Church “is in the forefront of promotion of a pro-life culture all over the world.”

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Belgium sets day of mourning as flood deaths hit 20

A damaged vehicle is seen in the river, following heavy rainfalls in Verviers, Belgium, July 16, 2021. REUTERS/Yves Herman

July 17, 2021

By Bart Biesemans

TROOZ, Belgium (Reuters) -Belgium declared a national day of mourning next week as the death toll from burst rivers and flash floods in the south and east of the country rose to 20 on Friday, with another 20 people missing.

“What should have been beautiful summer days suddenly turned into dark and extremely sad days for our fellow citizens,” Prime Minister Alexander De Croo told a news conference. “These are exceptional circumstances that our country has not seen before.”

A week of rain finally came to an end after reaching levels in some places normally expected once in 200 years. But several communities across parts of Belgium were nervously watching as the river Meuse, which flows through the city of Liege in eastern Belgium, continued to rise and threatened to overflow.

Others were trying come to terms with disaster.

“We did work, we renovated everything, we’re losing everything we’ve got. Now we have to start from zero and work at it little by little to put it back in order.” said Sylvia Calvo Lorente, 33, surveying damage in her home in the small town of Trooz near Liege.

In the eastern town of Verviers, the swollen river was still rushing through neighbouring streets, where people gingerly tried to salvage ruined shops, homes and cars.

“We made it through COVID, we were hoping we’d get back on our feet and now look!” a shopkeeper said through tears in a pause from his work.

Several towns and villages were submerged, including Pepinster near Liege, where around 10 houses collapsed. Belgium’s king and queen visited the town on Friday, wading through flooded streets.

The government set next Tuesday as a day of mourning and decided to tone down festivities for Belgian National Day the day after.

Interior minister Annelies Verlinden said 20 people had lost their lives, with a further 20 missing.

The crisis centre, which is coordinating rescue efforts, urged people in the affected areas to avoid all travel.

Belgium has called on the European Union’s civil protection mechanism, resulting in contributions from France, Austria and Italy, principally boats, helicopters and rescue personnel.

It also received help from Luxembourg and the Netherlands, despite these countries also suffering from flooding. More than 250 foreigners, including helicopter pilots and divers, have come to aid the search.

Over 20,000 people in the southern region Wallonia were without electricity. Others lacked clean water. Large parts of the rail network in southern Belgium were unusable, with certain sections of track swept away.

(Additional reporting and writing by Philip Blenkinsop; editing by Philippa Fletcher)





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Anti-Police Protesters Disrupt Families Mourning Victims Of Violent Crima

Video footage shows white, police-hating protesters disrupting black families mourning their dead at a police-sponsored “Stand up for a Safe Oakland” rally in Oakland, California on Saturday. According to the clips, the mourners were infuriated at being infiltrated by radical outsiders. 

Police Chief LeRonne Armstrong organized the “Stand up for a Safe Oakland” rally in response to Oakland’s surging crime, because he and his community “cannot sit silent anymore.” During the rally, Oakland residents gathered at Lake Merritt’s Amphitheater to mourn lost community members, as well as to demand an end to the city’s rising violence.

Rather than join Armstrong’s rally, the “Anti-Police Terror Project” held a separate event with community groups on Saturday (though the group claims it made its plans prior to learning of Armstrong’s).

Meanwhile, protesters simultaneously disrupted the event organized by Armstrong. Lee Fang and AntifaWatch say these protesters were members of Antifa, though a spokesman for the Oakland Police Department was unable to confirm whether this was the case or not. 

“Surreal moment in Oakland. About 200 mostly black families rally with police to call for an end to the epidemic of gun violence. Mothers at the stage mourning recently murdered children. In the back, less than a dozen mostly white antifa protesters assembled to jeer them,” Investigative journalist at the Intercept, Lee Fang, tweeted.

AntifaWatch reported that “Several #Antifa, who appear to be all white, showed up to ‘protest’ by drowning out mostly black speakers who were naming and remembering homicide victims.”

The protesters held signs with messages like “F-ck OCP” and “Quit your job, kkkop!,” as they shouted with local community members who were gathered to mourn their lost neighbors.

“A white privilege is standing here! You think you have a right to be here — you don’t have a right to be here!” an Oakland resident shouted at the protesters. “Not when black children are dying in the street everyday!” a second woman agreed.

Supporters of the event vehemently pushed back against the protesters’ suggestions that police are the villains. The mourners didn’t want to condemn police officers. They wanted to promote law and order. 

“We’re talking about right now. What do you have against safety in Oakland? What do you have against stopping the violence?” a mourning Oakland resident asked the protesters.

“Why are you trying to disrupt something that’s trying to be positive? […] We’re trying to save our people!” the same Oakland resident continued. “We’re trying to save our people!” he repeated. “You are not our people! Get the f-ck out!”

Armstrong’s event came as crime in Oakland continues to surge. Armstrong himself recently reported that his city is experiencing an approximately 90 percent increase in murders, 70 percent increase in shootings, and 88 percent increase in carjackings. 

His goal in facilitating the event was to inspire a multi-pronged approach to fighting crime. Attendees marched from the amphitheater to the location where eight individuals were shot on Juneteenth. And the event included a coffin display with 71 white flowers, representative of the 71 members of the Oakland community who have been murdered in Oakland so far this year. Most of the attendees also wore white t-shirts with the phrase “#SAFEOAKLAND.” 

“We continue to see shootings every night in the city,” Armstrong said. “It is time we come together and we unite behind reducing gun violence in the city of Oakland.” 

“There are people in our community who don’t feel safe. There are seniors in our community who cannot come out at night. There are young, African-American men and Latino men that are at risk in our city. We have to come together; this is not about politics, this is about saving lives,” Armstrong continued.

Armstrong recently made headlines when he slammed Oakland’s City Council for defunding the police department by nearly $18 million. Since money has been diverted from the police budget to “social services aimed at violence prevention,” he says the community needs to become more actively involved in crime reduction. 

Oakland resident Carol Wyatt agreed, saying her city “cannot move past the burials, the memorials and the wakes.” “Gun violence is our community’s longtime pandemic,” she lamented.

“We need your help — we need everyone’s help — because we want this to be the safest Oakland that we can possibly make it,” Brenda Grisham said. Her 17-year-old son was shot and murdered in Oakland in 2010. Grisham says “It’s on all of us to build a safer city.”





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Prince Philip Death: Queen Elizabeth Period of Mourning Before Funeral

Queen Elizabeth will enter a period of mourning after the death of her beloved husband, Prince Philip.

Queen Elizabeth will begin an eight-day period of mourning following the death of Prince Philip, her husband of 73 years. The Duke of Edinburgh passed away this morning at the age of 99; Buckingham Palace released a statement that said, “His Royal Highness passed away peacefully this morning at Windsor Castle. Further announcements will be made in due course.”

The Queen will not carry out any royal duties during the next eight days, per tradition, and affairs of state will also be put on hold. After the eight days have passed, the royal family will likely enter an additional period of official royal mourning for at least 30 days. The country is expected to go into a 10-day period of morning.

Subscribe to Observer’s Royals Newsletter

Crowds have gathered at Buckingham Palace to leave bouquets and pay tribute to Prince Philip.

Today, a framed plaque with the royal family’s statement announcing the Duke of Edinburgh’s death was placed outside of Buckingham Palace. It’s a longstanding tradition, but according to royal reporter Omid Scobie, the statement will be removed in the near future to prevent crowds from gathering amid the coronavirus pandemic. Many mourners have already made their way to Buckingham Palace in London to pay their respects to the late Duke of Edinburgh, leaving bouquets of flowers outside.

Prince Philip, who suffered from health issues as of late, was involved in his own funeral plans prior to his death; the arrangements were made over several years, with the code name Operation Forth Bridge. The Duke of Edinburgh did not want a state funeral or a public lying-in, and instead chose to have a royal ceremonial funeral.

The arrangements will have to be adapted due to the coronavirus pandemic, however, as it won’t be possible to have a large procession in London. Instead, the College of Arms confirmed today that Prince Philip’s funeral will take place at Windsor Castle, and that members of the public will not be able to attend amid the COVID-19 crisis.

Queen Elizabeth and the Duke of Edinburgh were married for over 70 years.

“The funeral will not be a State Funeral and will not be preceded by a Lying-in-State. His Royal Highness’s body will lie at rest in Windsor Castle ahead of the funeral in St George’s Chapel. This is in line with custom and with His Royal Highness’s wishes,” the statement reads. “The funeral arrangements have been revised in view of the prevailing circumstances arising from the COVID-19 pandemic and it is regretfully requested that members of the public do not attempt to attend or participate in any of the events that make up the funeral.”

According to the TelegraphBuckingham Palace is expected to “adhere to current guidelines, which allow just 30 mourners.” More information about the funeral arrangements, including the date, timing and other details, is expected to come in the following days.

The Queen and the Duke of Edinburgh were married for 73 years; they had four children, eight grandchildren and 10 great-grandchildren. Throughout her reign, Queen Elizabeth has spoken of the love, respect and admiration between the two throughout their long marriage. “He is someone who doesn’t take easily to compliments, but he has, quite simply, been my strength and stay all these years,” Queen Elizabeth said on their golden wedding anniversary in 1997. “And I, and his whole family, and this and many other countries, owe him a debt greater than he would ever claim, or we shall ever know.”

How Queen Elizabeth Will Observe Prince Philip’s Death





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Mourning the Last Brahmins | The American Conservative

The Last Brahmin: Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. and the Making of the Cold War, by Luke A. Nichter (Yale University Press: 2020), 544 pages.

The name Henry Cabot Lodge still carries a frisson of authority in a country that barely teaches its own history and, when it does, prefers to leave out white males of colonial heritage. Perhaps it survives in some recesses of our national political memory because two prominent individuals bore this name. Henry Cabot Lodge Sr. was the scion of two well known, if not exactly Brahmin, Boston families who racked up generations of public service dating from the founding days of the republic. He is best known as a leading “isolationist” Massachusetts senator, who opposed greater American involvement in world affairs during and after World War I, at exactly the moment when such involvement became both irresistible and unavoidable. His grandson and junior namesake had a more varied career and is the subject of Luke A. Nichter’s new biography, The Last Brahmin: Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. and the Making of the Cold War.

Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. (1902-1985) lived his early life in a largely predictable way for a man of his era and station. Affable but not brilliant, he passed from private tutors to prep schools in Washington and New England before graduating from Harvard, where he majored in Romance languages. His father died young, apparently after eating a bad clam on an ill-fated visit to Nantucket, leaving Cabot, as everyone called him, to be tutored in politics by his grandfather. Lodge Sr.’s star was falling as he approached his death in 1924, but he still had the renown and connections to launch his grandson, who made a good marriage and travelled with all the right introductions. Burnished by a brief career in journalism, he got to know his home state well enough that his patrician heritage and manner were rarely held against him, at least until such deference became passé. He even appealed to Massachusetts’s solidly Democratic Irish vote when facing Irish opponents there.

Cabot’s gentlemanly ease helped catapult him into a Senate seat at age 34, at a time when Republicans were a fractional minority in a New Deal-era Congress. He quickly learned that he could only really be effective if he responded to the spirit of the times and advocated a cautious progressivism that played well at home while appealing to the much larger opposing caucus across the aisle. He favored tax increases, considered Franklin Delano Roosevelt a close friend, and was a longtime contributor to the NAACP, among other postures that would now make him decidedly a man of the left. Political life was dramatically less partisan in those days, but it is easy to imagine him among today’s dying breed of erstwhile Republicans who sheepishly tell people “my party left me,” as they sigh in relief that their Democrat friends still invite them to those all-important cocktail parties. Indeed, as early as 1964, when Barry Goldwater took the Republican nomination, Cabot proclaimed, “What in God’s name has happened to the Republican Party! I hardly know any of these people!”

Still relatively young when the U.S. entered World War II, Cabot relied on his relationship with Roosevelt to secure an active army commission. Without telling any of his colleagues, he became the first senator since the Civil War to resign his seat to take up combat duties. Sent as an observer to North Africa, he was among the first Americans to come under enemy fire. His prewar political relationships, international experience, and language skills won him plum staff positions as the Allies invaded Europe and marched into Germany. After the war, he almost seamlessly won another Senate election in the 1946 Republican midterm sweep of Congress, all the while maintaining his reserve commission, which saw him reach the rank of major general as his service continued into the 1960s.

Postwar America proved less agreeable to Cabot. His liberal Republican outlook, by then enhanced with a fervently internationalist orientation, faced challenges as the party gravitated to the right amid a rising communist threat and after 12 years of Roosevelt. He remained a “nice guy” to the point of self-effacement even as nice guys began to finish last in droves, including himself. After doing more than anyone else to convince Dwight Eisenhower to run for president in 1952, Ike passed him over to choose the more ruthless arriviste Richard Nixon as his running mate. Lodge did not complain but instead served so diligently as Eisenhower’s campaign manager that he neglected his own Senate reelection campaign and lost his seat to John F. Kennedy. A more assertive character would certainly have avoided that mishap and, even if not, might have politicked for a greater consolation prize, but all Cabot got was appointment as U.N. ambassador. It came with cabinet rank, and most observers felt that he did an effective job, yet it never seems even to have occurred to him to ask for anything more. When Eisenhower promoted him as a vice presidential candidate for Nixon’s 1960 campaign, Cabot made a point of telling everyone involved that he would never actually ask for the nomination. He got it anyway, but later at least pretended that he did not understand why. Despite an incredible 96 percent national approval rating, he was again on the losing end, with Kennedy taking the presidency. True to an outmoded form, Cabot was well aware of that contest’s widespread election fraud but said nothing about it for many years thereafter.

Cabot’s biography could have ended there. He was nearly 60 and had no obvious political future in a rapidly changing country that no longer had much use for people like him. Even at that time, his own son regarded his patrician public service ethos as hopelessly old fashioned, a 19th-century relic in the brash age of Camelot. Cabot seemed primed for the great Washingtonian pastureland of meaningless advisory posts and stale think tank directorships, but the bipartisan establishment kept him around. As the conflict in Indochina became a more urgent problem, Kennedy, whose early-term foreign policy had proved shambolic, cautiously dragooned Cabot’s Republican credentials and diplomatic experience for the unforgivingly tough post of Ambassador to South Vietnam.

In Saigon, Cabot had, as the documents now reveal, only one purpose: to decide the fate of South Vietnamese president Ngo Dinh Diem and his clique of corrupt relatives, who were endangering the war effort and, by implication, Kennedy’s 1964 reelection prospects. It was an odd role for a faultlessly polite New England gentleman of great distinction, and the sheer incongruity helped set off more than half a century of parlor speculation about the true level of U.S. culpability in Diem’s ouster and who ordered what and when. The greatest strength of Nichter’s book is that it reveals all for the first time: Kennedy, with the support of his entire foreign policy team, ordered Cabot to assess whether Diem could be reformed and, if not, to support a military coup against him. This version of events has been widely attested, including by Cabot himself in late-life television interviews, but it fit too poorly with Kennedy’s legacy to resist challenges from the president’s family and political heirs, who ironically cast Cabot as a villain who grossly exceeded his instructions in order to sabotage Kennedy. The truth is that Cabot was following orders in spotless loyalty to his commander-in-chief, who was himself assassinated just three weeks after Diem’s ouster and execution. Even sadder, Cabot’s patrician manner prevented him from doing much to defend himself. He left no substantive memoirs and confessed a “horror” of what he called “now-it-can-be-told books.”

Cabot’s reticence led to more frustration than merely keeping confidences that would have exonerated him in the ugly Diem affair. Despite serving a Democratic administration in a diplomatic post thousands of miles away, he was an early favorite for the 1964 Republican presidential nomination, winning several state primaries as a write-in candidate. Yet again he lost out, mainly because he placed his immediate duties ahead of seizing the loftier opportunity as it presented itself. Within a year he was back in Saigon, where he remained almost congenitally unable to speak his mind about policies that he privately believed were doomed to failure. After a stint as ambassador to West Germany, he took over the Paris Peace Talks only to resign after months of failing to make any progress. He ended government service inoffensively dispatched as presidential envoy to the Vatican, an important post for courting domestic Catholic sensibilities but little else, and even in that failed to convince either Nixon or Gerald Ford to give him ambassadorial rank.

Nichter clearly admires his subject, and his treatment comes with a noticeable amount of gloss. Cabot was, contrary to what we read here, an early and enthusiastic supporter of Joseph McCarthy’s anti-communist campaign. As such, he angrily objected to McCarthy’s treatment by his Democratic colleagues and tried hard to block attempts to discredit him. He and McCarthy later fell out, but the record is there for anyone who cares to look deeper. Often, what the book lauds as gentlemanly conduct might be better understood as ossified weakness. The author occasionally comes close to admitting that Cabot was too courtly to speak his mind over Vietnam, but he never spells out the appalling consequences. Nor does he quite realize that the cadre of young Foreign Service Officers who passed through Saigon while Cabot was ambassador there—including Richard Holbrooke, Anthony Lake, John Negroponte, and, in an extramural advisory role, Henry Kissinger in his first foray into government service—all eagerly imbibed Cabot’s fastidious style of American officialdom. They then proceeded to have greatness elude them, too, before passing down his milquetoast qualities to today’s timid generation of “polite and orderly caretakers of America’s decline.”

Nichter is sometimes unsure of his geography. Cabot’s Washington childhood home address, near 19th and F Streets NW, is certainly not “by Sheridan Circle, backing up against Rock Creek.” He also seems to miss the irony that the isolationist Henry Cabot Lodge Sr.’s statelier house, at 1745 Massachusetts Avenue NW, was later demolished to make way for the vociferously internationalist Brookings Institution, which occupies the site today. In recounting Lodge Jr.’s World War II military service, the author could have done better than to suggest that in 1944 German troops were retreating from Spain, a neutral country they never entered. Nor does Lebanon, the site of a crisis Cabot had to address as U.N. ambassador in 1958, neighbor on Egypt.

After Cabot’s brother John Davis Lodge left office as governor of Connecticut in 1955, no member of the Lodge family ever again held elected office. The author has disappointingly little to say about the fate of America’s traditional WASP elite, which now plays virtually no role in public life. In our age of political division, he mourns that “the country lost more than it gained through the exit of these families from politics and public service.” Yet he fails to realize that the very qualities and values that drew those families into public life in the first place are now so thoroughly despised that their descendants could never succeed in public service nor do they have much reason or incentive to want to if they could. No less authoritative an institution than the Smithsonian recently identified rational thought, politeness, objectivity, and the Protestant work ethic itself as undesirable “white” characteristics that perpetuate institutional racism. Today, WASP scions who are not apologizing for their “privilege” tend to run as fast as they can to the nearest hedge fund or private equity firm in the hope of regilding their fading family arms before the next divorce battle, tax bill, or unstable heir shoves them over the precipice. With shifted priorities and damaged self-perceptions, they are content to leave affairs of state to a priggish administrative-managerial caste drawn from a middle class whose idea of greatness is to accumulate minor amounts of coercive power over each other while expanding a proverbial swamp that the rest of the country hates. The Brahmins have gone into a hibernation from which they may never awaken.

Paul du Quenoy is a private investor and critic. He holds a Ph.D. in history from Georgetown University.





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